The United States should undertake a more comprehensive effort to prevent arms from ever reaching the group, wrote Bridget Toomey and Ahmad Sharawi .
Toomey and Sharawi, a research analysts at the Foundation for Defense of Democracies (FDD) focusing on Iranian proxies and Iranian intervention in Arab affairs and the Levant, noticed that Washington isn’t taking its eye off the Iran-backed Houthi terrorists in Yemen. On January 16, the Treasury Department designated elements of the Houthis’ smuggling and financial networks, including entities based in Oman. The Houthis’ illicit oil business, conducted with the support of the terror group’s backers in Tehran generates $2 billion annually for its coffers. According to Treasury, these illegal funding and weapons procurement efforts “enable the group to sustain its capability to conduct destabilizing regional activities.”
The latest UN Panel of Experts report on Yemen, published in October 2025, noted “widespread violation of the arms embargo” imposed upon the Houthis.
In July 2025, Yemeni government-aligned forces intercepted one of the largest weapons shipments from Iran, containing 750 tons of materiel, from anti-ship missiles to small arms and communications equipment.
Iran has been a consistent supplier to the Houthis since 2015. Additional interceptions throughout 2025 indicated that the Houthis are diversifying supply chains and attempting to improve domestic production capacity, in an apparent bid to reduce dependence on Iran, which is highly vulnerable in the wake of the Israeli attacks on its ballistic missile program in 2024 and 2025, and which may well be targeted again.
Notably, the group purchases commercially available, dual-use components and manufacturing equipment from China, particularly for drone production. Some of these materials enter Yemen directly, while others are smuggled across the border with Oman.
The Houthis have maintained a presence in Oman since 2015, operating a headquarters that hosts roughly 100 officials. These include Mohammad Abdulsalam, the group’s spokesperson and, who was sanctioned in March 2025.
The Omanis say that the Houthi presence in their country is to facilitate negotiations to achieve peace in Yemen.
In addition to weapons procurement, the Houthis have also expanded their financial footprint in Oman. In September 2025, Treasury stated that Abdulsalam “oversees a network of hundreds of Houthi-affiliated businesses importing Iranian oil products into Yemen, collectively valued at approximately $1 billion.” Many of these companies remain unsanctioned and operate freely.
Instead of waiting until the Houthis resume attacks on commercial shipping in the Red Sea and against Israel, the United States should undertake a more comprehensive effort to prevent arms from ever reaching the group.
The Trump administration, along with American partners in the Combined Maritime Forces, should increase interdictions in the Persian Gulf, the Red Sea, and the Gulf of Aden.
Washington should pair this with additional support to the Yemeni Coast Guard and local forces to police the country’s waters.
Washington should continue scrutinizing the financial networks operating out of Oman that enable Houthi activities, including by designating remaining members of Muhammad Abdulsalam’s business network and sanctioning any affiliated companies in both Yemen and Oman that have thus far escaped scrutiny.
The U.S. should also demand that Oman shut down the Houthis’ operations within its borders and expel their leadership.